The
old speech from the throne, solemn and rare, gets new formats and new
frequencies. FHC (President Fernando Henrique Cardoso) converted the
little presidential ceremonies into opportunities for conviviality between
the government and the people. In his periodic pronouncements, he assumed
the role of narrator in the play of the country's life.
Fabulous
fabulist, Lula has enriched the formula by replacing the rational model,
permeated with ironies, with the rhetoric of common sense. He exchanged
what the Americans call opening jokes (to disarm the spirits) for a
climate of casual chat among friendsjocular and colloquial, with
the affectionate allusion to the "patroa" (the boss),
the indefatigable Dona Marisa. He has rendered grammar irrelevant and,
with the help of metaphors taken from the world of the small-bourgeoisie
(mainly from sports) and appropriate doses of emotion, established an
irresistible formula for communication.
"I
haven't changed, it's life itself that changes", last Tuesday's
eloquent `pearl', has disconcerted those critics less inclined to sophism
and left the radicals (at whom it was aimed) with the inglorious task
of explaining the intricate meanings of coherence in detail. "All
of us have had our moments of madness", he proclaimed the following
day, at the signing of the new mental health program. The President
ignored the possible relationship between one statement and the other:
on Thursday he was ready to unveil his musical side to the nation of
whistlers and batucada makers, asking for patience, because the
orchestra is tuning up: the spectacle of growth will soon begin.
It's
a strictly correct strategy, actually. José Dirceu commands the
political tractor to get reforms passed. Palocci chains himself to the
fiscal calculator. And Lula does what he loves to docampaigninghappily
this time, followed by constant applause, free from superegos, absolutely
loose.
But
someone has to mind the store: the blunders are evident. We are missing
a manager to bang on the table and spell out that the "present"
from Boeing is an insult: the country is not broke and can pay for the
chartering of a passenger plane from one of our large domestic companies.
Even more serious: the jet embellished with the coat of arms of the
Presidency to take Lula to the G-8 Summit comes from a direct and ostensive
competitor of Embraer, an object of pride for the Brazilian industry.
The
"Zero Hunger" program already has its likes in the rest of
the world, such as Hanbre Cero. However, we must admit that it
has not taken off; actually, it hasn't even arrived to the head of the
runway. The absurdity of the multiplication of federal departments to
console defeated comrades, with the resulting increase in expenses and
inevitable ego clashes, was foreseen but minimized. The solution found
now is even more absurd: a superdepartment for the social area, which
will obviously irrigate with extra monies the budget and the vanity
of all the discontented.
The
crusade against regulating agencies is pure nonsense and a step back
in the old style of tabula rasa and discontinuity that have always characterized
government changes and contributed so much to our backwardness. Instead
of a fix, what we see now is the dismantling of one of the most effective
and legitimate institutions in modern democracies.
Someone
forgot to check that the framework of the just-created Special Secretariat
for Fishing is incomparably larger than the framework of the National
Secretariat for Public Safety, a key piece in the fight against organized
crime. It is exactly this issue of safety that shows most clearly how
the illusion of metaphors and the crudeness of reality are out of step.
And the culprit is not the Ministry of Justice, which does not hide
the need to federalize the fight against narcoterrorism.
It's
been 10 days and all the troika from Brasília does is to explain
why the interest rates are the same, forgetting that it is a consummated,
irrefutable fact and there's no use kicking our legs. The government
is concerned with the PT radicals, the Shiites from Fiesp (Federation
of Industries of São Paulo State) and the guerillas from Coteminas
(a textile company), forgetting that any possible changes can only occur
within three weeks, at the next meeting of Copom (Monetary Policy Committee).
Meanwhile, the situation in Rio de Janeiro becomes more and more radical
and alarming. Anxious and humiliated, the country watches the triumphs
of the coalition between ineptitude and corruption and criminality.
José
Dirceu was sensitive to the jeers of government workerswell, he
would better get accustomed to them. At some point, the country may
start referring to the metaphors from upstairs as idle chatter.
Alberto
Dines, the author, is a journalist, founder and researcher at LABJORLaboratório
de Estudos Avançados em Jornalismo (Laboratory for Advanced
Studies in Journalism) at UNICAMP (University of Campinas) and editor
of the Observatório da Imprensa. He also writes a
column on cultural issues for the Rio daily Jornal do Brasil.
You can reach him by email at obsimp@ig.com.br
Translated
by Tereza Braga, email:
tbragaling@cs.com
This
article was originally published in Jornal do Brasil -
www.jb.com.br