|
With each passing day, new evidence: the government, through the Defense minister, deceived the Brazilian nation for two months. The worst Brazilian air tragedy is linked to a political scandal of great proportions. All of this with the complicity of large part of the media, which, once again, published groundless charges expressed by cunning and/or irresponsible authorities.
Brazilian Defense Minister Waldir Pires is an honest, courageous politician, who owns an undefiled biography. This doesn't let him off from the ascertainment that he conducted the probe on the causes that led to the collision between the Gol's Boeing and the Legacy executive jet in, at least, a flippant way. But we need to underline that he didn't do this for his own benefit. His intention was to make the government look good. Or the ruling party. If these facts that are now starting to come to light had been revealed between the first and the second electoral rounds, the government would be severely scorched by the election. Waldir Pires politicized the tragedy from the very beginning. And now he is paying for that. The pilots of the Legacy were Americans, ergo they were preliminarily guilty - they were in the wrong altitude, they turned off the transponder, they didn't obey the rules. Joe Sharkey, the New York Times's journalist who was flying in the Legacy, wrote right in the first days that there were "blind spots" in the Amazon's air space. Minister Waldir Pires mercilessly attacked him. When informations surfaced on the emotional shock felt by the controllers who were in Brasília's Tower when the tragedy happened, the minister denied them. With lies. When the controllers' category decided to act and embarked in a work-to-rule campaign to call the society's attention, the minister made light of it and declared that there were no flight delays, that everything was normal at the Brazilian airports. He lied again. In the Senate, Minister Pires did an about face and admitted everything he had previously challenged. On Monday, December 4, after the Fantástico TV show's charges about the control equipment's condition, the minister pulled a fast one, tricked and ended up declaring that he would order an investigation of the matter. Waldir Pires told more fibs in the last 60 days than Baron Munchausen in his entire life. Tail Between the Legs And most of the media repeated the shameful performance it had in the Escola Base scandal (a notorious case in which the directors of a school were wrongly accused of sex abuse). It published official charges without investigating, it believed in frivolous rumors, it abdicated from its duty of watching over the government, it forgot its duty of searching for truth and helping justice. We kept our eyes on the ball: we called attention for the similarity between this case and the Escola Base in our radio program on October 5, 2006. [The audio of the program can be heard here: http://observatorio.ultimosegundo.ig.com.br/blogs/audio/observatorionoradio5102006.mp3 and you can read a transcript here: http://observatorio.ultimosegundo.ig.com.br/artigos.asp?cod=401IMQ005]. Among those in the big press, Folha de S. Paulo was the only discordant voice and in the big newspaper, the largest in Brazil, columnist Eliane Cantanhêde stood out. She was the one who started in her political column the dismantling of the pack of tall tales and then went on to write ravaging stories. Even so, the rest of the newspapers kept their impassive and sleepy demeanor. It had nothing to do with them. Nine weeks after the air catastrophe, the magazine Época showed what weekly magazines are for - completing the dailies job, investigating in depth. The interview with two Brasilia's tower controllers although kept in total anonymity, knocked down the sand castle invented by the government. If it weren't for the Jornal Nacional of Saturday, December 2, and the Fantástico show the following day we might say that Globo Network kept its tail between its legs all along. It got scared by the antimedia guerrilla started by the government and carried on by government-approved media critics. And it reproduced without complaining, along 60 days, the Defense minister's scatterbrained statements. Fateful Day These revelations on the disaster's true causes were useful to unmask the media's extra sharp neocritics, bloggers, bloggists or mere lynchers. Thrilled with the task of proving that the big media paid more attention to the Vedoin Dossier's piles of money pictures than to the tragedy, they ended up forgetting the tragedy itself. They weren't touched by the 154 deaths, they weren't touched by the families' pain, they didn't get angry at the authorities neglect or at their lies to hide their carelessness. These people take seriously their mission to show that the powerful federal government is a defenseless victim of the press. The September 29 tragedy-scandal was also useful to dismantle a simplification that so much pleases totalitarians: the Brazilian media, although dangerously concentrated, is not homogeneous, it follows diverse ways and vocations. Folha's journalistic instinct is not the same as the one from O Estado de S. Paulo. The same can be said for Época, Veja, Isto É and Carta Capital. Media is not an entity, it is the designation for a collective. The Globo network took a long time to wake up, but the other networks, Band, Record and SBT are still sleeping. We also have a fateful day in September: the American one is 9/11, our is 9/29. It is still going to haunt many people. Alberto Dines, the author, is a journalist, founder and researcher at LABJOR - Laboratório de Estudos Avançados em Jornalismo (Laboratory for Advanced Studies in Journalism) at UNICAMP (University of Campinas) and editor of the Observatório da Imprensa. You can reach him by email at
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
. Translated from the Portuguese by Arlindo Silva.
|