Why Is Brazil Afraid Vice Alencar Will Become President? Print
2005 - July 2005
Written by Carlos Chagas   
Friday, 08 July 2005 19:18

Brazililan vice-president José Alencar Gomes da SilvaA common denominator unites all the political, business and union forces in Brazil: the importance that President Lula be not  touched by the charges and investigations on corruption in the government, inside the PT (the government party) and among the allies.

Several reasons lead to this kind of armor with which they try to surround the President: first, because we are dealing with a political leader above any suspicion, a union man with untainted reputation.

There is nothing in his past, much less in his administration in the Palácio do Planalto, capable of leading him to the intrigues of corruption, although much knavery has occurred under his shadow.

There are no facts or evidence that would raise suspicions about the government chief. If something comes out, it will be the biggest of surprises.

Reason Has Name and Address

This also shows the bias of the oppositions. It has become common place to say that the PSDB, the PFL and the PDT parties, all want to bleed Lula, but never to kill him, due to next year's presidential elections.

From a more than victorious candidate to a second mandate, the President has been transformed into someone who will need to put a lot of effort in order to get reelected. If things keep going the way they are, that will be worse.

This way, tucanos (those connected to former President Cardoso PSDB party), liberals and Brizola followers think they will be able to launch their own candidates with a good chance of victory.

There is, however, a third reason for all to exaggerate and say that they were born Lula fans.  This reason has name and address. It lives in the Jaburu's Palace, next to Lula's Alvorada Palace, and its name is  José Alencar.

The elites run away from the Vice-President as the devil from the cross, because if, by any chance, he took over for good, he would radically change the economic policy.

He would lower interest rates with a stroke of the pen. He would put forward mechanisms for immediate resumption of Brazil's development.

He would limit profits of banks and the financial system. And, in addition,  he would fire Finance Minister Antônio Palocci and his gang in his first day in office.

The same way, the PT and the parties of the official parliamentary base do not admit changes in the neoliberal politics adopted by the economic team. No need to mention the oppositions, who are the ones that invented the model in course.

In short, if there weren't enough reasons already, this last one serves to guarantee that only by miracle Lula will get what President Fernando Collor got (Collor was impeached by Congress).

Better Late

There are attempts to bring the lefts together again. They have realized, even the PT's  most progressive sectors in the PT, that it is no use denying the obvious. You can't hide anymore the widespread embezzlement.

So, the first effort to try a successful comeback  will be to recognize the scandal and to start investigating it. As well as, it is clear, to punish those responsible for what happened. At the same time, the strategy will consist in organizing an action plan and offering it to the President.

Someone who thinks like that is House Representative Jandira Feghali, from the PC do B (Brazil's Communist Party). She suggests actions in the economic sector, things like an immediate cut in interest rates and the creation of limits to speculative capital. 

She also wants that resources for the social sector be released. She talks about a stage of reaction to neoliberalism, as the abandonment of union and labor reforms.

She also stresses how important it is the reevaluation of some privatizations, especially in those cases dealing with national sovereignty.

For the congresswoman, a program with these characteristics geared to the left would give consistency to the Lula government, reestablishing its credibility.

The President lost some precious time, but there is still time for a turnabout.

Omission

So angry were those who opposed the Post Office parliamentary inquiry due to the delay in the testimonies by José Dirceu, José Genoíno and Luiz Gushiken as were the governmentalists due to senator Delcídio Amaral's decision to continue working during the recess. Now, they agreed to rebel because the Supreme Court decided to grant adman Marcos Valério habeas corpus. 

No one knows why Minister Ellen Gracie accepted the argument that transformed the witness from deponent into investigated. The figure is new: what is an investigated? Someone who answers  questions, like witness, both compelled to tell the truth.

Were he accused and he could plead the constitutional principle of not having to answer questions that might jeopardize him.

But who indicts is the Justice, not the CPI (parliamentary inquiry), which can only send a report to the Public Ministry, for the legal measures, when the person is not a congressman.

If the deposition wasn't worth for what it revealed it was worth for what it omitted.

Carlos Chagas writes for the Rio's daily Tribuna da Imprensa and is a representative of the Brazilian Press Association, in Brasília. He welcomes your comments at carloschagas@hotmail.com.

Translated from the Portuguese by Arlindo Silva.



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