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 The question that won't go away: what national structure in Brazil will replace the PT's (Workers Party) weakened building, now that it has been all broken apart? It doesn't matter if you are talking about next year's election or some wicked surprise capable of derailing Lula's presidential mandate.
The truth is that we don't have national structures capable of taking over the state's management. In the recent past, we saw the military take care of the ball. First there were the officers-generals as a whole, the high hierarchy, almost put to corner by the colonels.
Then it came the SNI (Serviço Nacional de Informação - National Information Service), taking all the spaces, but, at the end, the ones who prevailed were the leaders most intent in returning the power to the civilian society, even though in a controlled way. With the democratic explosion, the PMDB party of Ulysses Guimarães and Tancredo Neves, for a moment, was in charge of the national guardianship, even under José Sarney's label.
Despite being elect by popular vote, President Fernando Collor did not have bases neither support outside the Alagoas Republic, which entailed his self destruction. Itamar Franco survived by surprise and the country's universal aspiration to avoid chaos.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso found his prop in the neoliberal elites, the multinationals and the speculative sectors. And that's why the tucanos (toucans, members of Cardoso's PSDB party) were kicked out. Then came Lula and it was time to test the great structure: the popular and union forces brought in by the PT.
Orphanage
The problem is that the Workers' Party got lost falling in the temptation of planning to control the nation for the next 20 or 30 years. The PT honchos did not hesitate to use the public thing as cosa-nostra (our thing).
The assault on the public safes, the knavery and the use of methods that were peculiar to other groups and parties bring us to the conclusion: "PT, never again". Or, at least, not in the near future. The so-called popular forces have just made an orphan out of the Brazilian society.
But how can we replace the organized companions? Fortunately we cannot call the militaries back. The PMDB was washed down the drain, or so it seems. The financial aristocracy, the elites, are being repudiated in the polls.
In so being, which are the forces with representation throughout the country, capable of taking control? From the rural aristocracy, may God deliver us. From industrial or commercial associations, even more.
The intellectuals dispersed through the universities would argue so much that they would never get any place. Catholic church? Don't even think about it. There are very few who understand the complicated language and the even more confused strategy of the CNBB (National Conference of Brazilian Bishops).
Only in jest we might accept the prevalence of the new evangelical churches, which make bishops and pastors wealthy thanks to contributions from the poor and deceived.
There is only a structure capable of assuming nationally the government's functions through its representatives, united in a single ideal: it is the Flamengo Football Club. But the club, alas, keeps going down, demoralizing itself as the PT...
"Get out of there, too"
José Dirceu is living through his zodiacal hell, even though his birthday is still far away. President Lula doesn't receive him anymore and since his resignation as chief of staff, he finds harder and harder to keep his Lower House seat. He walks through the congress aisles, without even being approached by the press.
From hundreds of million reais gone out from Marcos Valério' chests, from state companies and from bank loans not even a cent entered his pocket or so it looks. Everything was used to buy deputies' votes, guaranteeing majority for the government, or to subsidize campaigns for candidates from the PT or other parties.
Silvio Pereira might have won a big Jeep as a gift, and Delúbio Soares might have bought farms for his father, thus demonstrating their weakness of character. But Dirceu planned and supervised the criminal operation without regard for personal benefit.
He intended to reinforce the official parliamentary foundation and clear the way not only for Lula's reelection, but also for his own candidacy to the presidency in 2010. Everything exploded though before the missiles could be launched. Hardly Dirceu will have his mandate spared, if he doesn't resign before.
In his first deposition before the Congress's Ethics Commission, deputy Roberto Jefferson addressed José Dirceu directly: "Zé, get out of there. Do not jeopardize an innocent man (Lula)".
Dirceu left his post as Chief of Staff the next day. He went back to his seat at the House of Representatives. Now Jefferson seem ready to repeat the advice. Only this time he will be referring to the Lower House's seat of the old ally who has now become a foe...
Carlos Chagas writes for the Rio's daily Tribuna da Imprensa and is a representative of the Brazilian Press Association, in Brasília. He welcomes your comments at carloschagas@hotmail.com.
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