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 Lack of cohesion within the African Diaspora has denied
African Brazilian communities significant political and
financial support from the United States and elsewhere.
By Philip Mizewski
If you were hungry would you mortgage away your future for a pot of chicken? This seems
to be a question for Bahia's sprawling African-Brazilian communities. The city of Salvador
boasts an African-Brazilian and mulatto population that some say exceeds 90%. Yet Baianos
complain after every election that their public officials show little regard for the
pressing needs of Salvador's majority population. One reason frequently given is that
candidates representing forces in power "hand food over the fence" shortly
before each Election Day.
Their assertion, and I have no reason to challenge it, seems to be that promoting a
"bird in the hand is worth two in the bush" mentality is effectively
neutralizing the power of the people. So what, if anything, are the leaders of Salvador's
marginalized masses planning to do to break this institutionalized cycle of
self-perpetuating poverty? If there's any well-defined, comprehensive, effectively
organized strategy for establishing and maintaining a cohesive front mandating significant
social change in Bahia, well I haven't seen it. There are many individuals, programs and
organizations dedicated to constructive social engagement in Salvador. But a well
coordinated critical mass of effectively organized citizens across many groups
exhibiting consistently disciplined behavior and willingness to compromise for the
good of the whole is nowhere to be found.
It's fair to ask if it's even possible for communities in Salvador to effectively
marshal the power of their political franchise. Some believe that the refurbished historic
district of Pelourinho, declared a World Heritage site by the United Nations, is a
showcase for what can be done. But activist Marcus Gonçalves is among many who assert
that it's merely an example of "sweeping dirt under the rug". The colorfully
repainted pastel façades of Pelourinho's fairytale houses and shops, separated by only
quaint cobbled stone streets winding over uneven terrain, now gleam under the bright
tropical sun.
Two or three decades ago Pelourinho had fallen into a condition of utter disrepair and
had projected a much less appealing image. The residents who inhabited Pelourinho at that
earlier time seem to have disappeared. "Where have they disappeared to?", asks a
friend of Marcus. These words echo a pervasive suspicion that the impoverished were driven
out by powerful political and business interests. Consensus is that this was accomplished
without providing the dislocated with another place to live, and without affording them
any opportunity to benefit from the explosive growth of Pelourinho's subsequent tourism
based economic revival.
Carlinhos Brown established in Candeal what some consider a better standard for the
transformation of Bahian favela societies. He built there a world class performing
facility for the percussion group Timbalada, accompanied by programs to help ghetto
residents improve their homes, and by construction of a school for underprivileged
children. Back in Pelourinho, Neguinho do Samba's Didá project works with street girls
and children. Neguinho is planning to establish pediatrics and gynecology clinics in the
Didá building, which was purchased with money that Neguinho earned as a musician.
The drum corps Olodum was an early success that backed up Paul Simon on his Rhythm
of the Saints CD and has toured internationally. Project Axé realized impressive
success marketing clothing and other products it produces, and Carnaval Bloco Ilê Aiyê
became a black consciousness movement by emphasizing ethnic pride and African-Brazilian
based education. Ilê also sponsors an annual fashion show, and has established factories
that produce shoes and purses.
Each of the involved individuals, groups and organizations described above offer
examples (there are actually many more) of what is being undertaken to alleviate
misfortune in the African-Brazilian strongholds of Salvador da Bahia. And each effort has
accomplished something. But incremental success has been tainted by accusations that well
established programs have become overly willing habitual appeasers to government
officials. The profit of enterprise and reliance on government funding, some say, are the
hands that actually wield the sword being used to carve out Salvador's uncertain future.
There is no single widely respected and extraordinarily charismatic individual
available, or willing, at this time to lead an all out offensive for clearly articulated
social reform on a sufficiently grand scale. Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso and Carlinhos
Brown are each revered and charismatic. Gil has some experience in government. But Veloso
and Brown are as eccentric as they are talented. And each of the three also carries the
mantle of being a significant active contributor to Brazilian music. So no one in Bahia
has emerged with the singular political focus and social commitment required to lead a
social transformation.
Cultural differences between the United States and Brazil account for at least some of
the inertia that resists development and deployment of more effective political and social
strategies in Salvador (and elsewhere throughout Brazil). And lack of cohesion within the
African Diaspora has denied African Brazilian communities significant political and
financial support from the United States and elsewhere.
The fatalistic influence of predominantly Catholic faith, centuries of denied
opportunity and decades of empty promises have inculcated African Brazilians with a sense
that the future of this world has already been decided against them. So why
shouldn't those who are hungry today, and who see no hope for tomorrow, trade away their
votes for pots of chicken? I find myself asking a rhetorical question; is anyone
listening?
There is no institutionalized tradition of volunteerism in Brazil. Guilt-free
self-interest has been institutionalized though, and any commitment to the greater
good of society pales by comparison. There seems to exist in the minds of most Bahian favelados
little or no credible incentive to "spruce up" their communities. The
effort would only expend energy that cannot be easily replaced when precious calories are
locked away in food they cannot afford to buy. Littering is a recognized national pastime.
Brazilians, for sure, are a more generous people than this article may seem to imply.
But more militant African-Brazilians believe that the nature of Euro-Brazilian generosity
helps to maintain the status quo by relieving pressure that would otherwise be fueling
demand for change. They say that progressively improving the salaries of domestics, for
instance, only helps to ensure that domestic service will remain the single greatest
possible "career opportunity" for African Brazilians. Improving the salaries of
domestics will not alter the fact that favela children have little or no access to
education and/or medical treatment and facilities.
Uneducated, unhealthy, children will only grow up to become the next generation of
hopeless living among the helpless on the margins of society. The potentially
destabilizing influence of impoverished African-Brazilians looms like a black cloud over a
greater Brazil where sustained industrial expansion is fueling growth among the middle
classes. Frustration in African-Brazilian communities festers and it's virtually
impossible to know how volatile the situation may, or may not be. How much longer will the
non-violent message of Carlinhos Brown's "elegant revolution" prove sufficient
to counter the weight of more militant interests? And where, in this mix, is highly
visible substantial support from the mainstream African-American community of the United
States?
It seems a curious fact that a strong natural marriage between the African- (North)
American and African-Brazilian communities has never been consummated. Each seems to have
what the other most needs. Because the far smaller number of African slaves in the United
States were effectively denied their cultural and religious heritage, African-Americans
today are left yearning to rediscover experiences and practices that African-Brazilians
have to offer. African-Brazilians are in desperate need of the tourist dollars that
African Americans would spend finding it. Bahia shines like a lighthouse beacon in the
African Diaspora. The rhythm of drums rise and fall like ocean tides in the Bay of All
Saints.
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