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 The pace of reform is slow, and ‘grass roots’ initiatives
have failed to organize themselves into a cohesive,
politically powerful social movement.
By Philip Mizewski
I used to think that violence in the Middle East was an effective metaphor for what was
wrong in Brazil. I concluded that the antagonism between Palestinians and Israelis offered
a glimpse into what could evolve from the class schism that defines Brazilian society, if
not addressed. A sort of ‘samba intifada’
complete with bandana masked, stone wielding favelados
hunkered down behind corrugated tin barricades as crack Brazilian troops bore down
upon them. I imagined fearful middle and upper class citizens torn between their fear of
the intifada sambistas and their contempt for
the evil empire storm troopers who were protecting them. But the recent violence that
erupted when police in Salvador went on strike manifested itself in a curiously focused
way and surfaced unanticipated perspectives.
The ‘hoards’ that poured out of the favelas
did not wreak mayhem and vengeance on all of
Salvador; they were selective. They targeted upscale shopping malls and other sources of
conspicuous consumption with suspect synchronicity. One has to wonder how their reaction
to this ‘opportunity’ had been molded by the age of television; by the nightly novelas that have fueled their fantasies of living
in a better world. And the federal ‘storm troopers’, when they arrived, were
largely not viewed with contempt, at least not
by those living outside of the favelas.
In phone conversations, Brazilians in Salvador, or who returned shortly after the
violence, consistently expressed similar sentiments to me. The populace was generally safe
provided they were not in areas like the upscale
shopping districts of Barra, the Aeroclub complex or the Iguatemi shopping center in
Pituba. And they echoed surprise at their own reaction to the arrival of federal troops
that had been sent to quell the violence. “I
never imagined”, said one “that we
would be welcoming the military into our city, but we felt glad that they had arrived”.
That individual added, philosophically, “Well,
these military weren’t even born until after the dictatorship. They aren’t the
same ones at all.” So where does
Salvador and the rest of Brazil go from here? How has the psyche of Salvador been affected
by what happened? Listen to this first hand account:
“The strike has ended, yes. You already
know don't you? But the feeling of the city is a little depressed after all these things.
Everybody knows that the inequality and poverty is very deep here. Everybody knows that
there are people living here under the most-unhappy conditions. But now this has come to
reality, now we know that these people are just under control and when we don't have this
control we see, face to face what we just knew for hearing. Hate and violence were just in
the favelas, but now they have come to the
surface of our immovable middle class. I think nobody is comfortable with this situation
and if something good has come from this strike it is this feeling; I can see it in many
faces now.
"Nobody must be comfortable when there's so much hunger. A woman that was robbing a
store on Avenida Carlos Gomes was killed with a shot, in the presence of her children. She
was looting a furniture store. Many will say “but she was not robbing for food”.
And I remember Titans: "A gente não quer só comida, a gente quer comida, diversão
e arte. A gente não quer só comida, a gente quer saída para qualquer parte." (We
don't want just food, we want food, amusement and arts. We don't just want food, we want
food and an outlet to any part).
"I'm very sad with these events and there's
a domino effect on all of Brazil after what happened in Bahia (as much as our press would
try to hide it, in the name of our governor). Many strikes are exploding in many important
cities and people are getting crazy everywhere. Just today, three cities employed the
intervention of the shock police to contain people (Belo Horizonte, Recife, Maceió, along
with something in São Paulo and the everyday violence in Rio).
“Broadcasts are showing the bad military
police acting in morros cariocas, requiring
payment for not arresting drug criminals. It's always that way. If Globo—or any big
press—doesn't agree with something they find a way to demoralize it. Military Police
are not what we call saints, but it was that way with public workers (like me) when we
required better salaries. They would show workers from Brasilia, who never go work,
receiving their high salaries, like it was the majority. That turned the population
against public workers and, of course, served the interests of the governor”.
The problems remain. The Brazilian class schism continues, as before, to be marked by
the flaunting of inherited wealth or influence and the weight upon society of all who
suffer the indignities of serving it. Anonymous mothers and fathers still struggle to
break the cycle of perpetual miseries. Prominent citizens still live in gated communities
and fear having to relinquish advantage. Inequitable land distribution and the relatively
passive, but chronic maintenance of African Brazilians, native Brazilians and, to a lesser
degree, mulattos and other genetic admixtures on the margins of society still casts a pall
over Brazil's cane fields, coffee fazendas,
skyscrapers, tourist Mecca’s and industrial centers. Individual Brazilians still
focus largely on survival, refusing to trust that government will function in the national
interest. And leadership continues to vacillate between serving that interest and serving
itself.
The citizens and leadership of Brazil have made strides in the right direction.
‘Constructive social engagement’ is being embraced by an increasing number of
individuals and groups in Brazilian communities. That’s a hopeful sign. So is the
increasing, though still modest, government responsiveness to public demands for more
accountability. But the pace of reform is slow, and ‘grass roots’ initiatives
have failed to organize themselves into a cohesive, politically powerful social movement.
The sins of omission may no longer be so aggressively consuming the future hopes and
dreams for a better Brazil, but Brazil's cancer isn't in remission either.
Brazil's economic condition has declined from stable to serious after earlier being
upgraded from critical. Any collective sigh of relief has been tempered by harsh reality.
Brazil has still only recently embarked on its road to economic and sociopolitical
recovery. And recoveries are almost always attained in “fits and starts”; in iterations of “two steps forward, one step back”. The
question is “have the problems grown beyond
the point where they can ever be effectively redressed”.
Recovery should be pursued with sure, steady, steps. Clear vision and quiet
determination should drive that recovery. Consolidating progress to date would be a good
start. It would also be good for Brazil, and all of Latin America, to continue to demand
more attention from their powerful northern neighbor. The Bush administration needs to
improve its flagging credibility at home and Latin American diplomacy offers a unique
opportunity for it to do so. President Bush relates easily to Latin America in an era when
Latin American influence is rapidly spreading across the North American continent.
Relationship building is a pivotal component of self-respect. Self-respect enhances
confidence and encourages effective decision-making.
When confidence is lacking, hesitation leads to procrastination; problems then fester
and worsen. Martin Luther King said that people should be judged "by the content of
their character rather than the color of their skin". Content and character go hand
in hand. Character is the substance of what a citizen is. But character is defined by
content, what a citizen does. What Brazil, and Brazilians, do next, if anything, will
speak volumes about their character. What we in the United States do, if anything, to
support them will speak volumes about ours.
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