Candid Portrait

Candid Portrait

The editors of The Brazil Reader have chosen well. Articles,
which may at first glance seem too specialized, often turn out to be quite riveting and
Brazil under President Getúlio Vargas receives extensive attention.

The Brazil Reader, edited by Robert M. Levine and John J.
Crocitti, Duke University Press, 527 pp., $21.95 paper

“It is Brazil’s singularity—and its character, self-perceptions, and
transitions—that provides the central theme of The Brazil Reader,” we are
told by the book’s editors, who have chosen a diverse and ultimately rich selection of
articles and excerpts about Brazil from scholarly and non-scholarly sources, from diaries,
journals, novels, eyewitness accounts, and even from the Internet. Photographs and art are
interspersed. The result is a kaleidoscopic portrait that provides a peek into virtually
every corner of Brazilian life over the last 500 years.

Semi-chronological, the book is diced into nine categories, the early sections grouping
material related to the colonization and settling of the country, its battles and quest
for independence, as well as the issue of slavery and its aftermath. Considerable space is
devoted to “The Vargas Era,” with later headings focused on Brazil’s regaining
and trying to maintain democracy, the status of women, race relations, socioeconomic
realities, and entertainment.

The editors have chosen well. Articles, which may at first glance seem too specialized,
often turn out to be quite riveting. For example, Stanley J. Stein’s “A Paraíba
Plantation, 1850-1860,” written in 1951, is a vivid portrait of a coffee plantation,
the fazendeiro (landowner) and his fazenda. Another article looks at the
unpopular, exhaustive, Paraguayan War. There’s also a fascinating account by Dain Borges,
“A Mirror of Progress,” on the ill-fated assault of Canudos in the 1890s, which
is the subject of Rebellion in the Backlands (Os Sertões), the famous book by
Euclides da Cunha.

Brazil under Getúlio Vargas, who ruled from 1930-1945, and then from 1950-1954,
receives extensive attention. For a glimpse at how Vargas exerted his power, see Bailey W.
Diffie’s “Comments on the Estado Novo,” and, for another angle, the piece
entitled “Ordinary People: Five Lives Affected by Vargas-Era Reforms,” which
consists of affecting, engrossing, personal reminiscences. Ironically, since he’d been a
dictator himself, Vargas’s surprise suicide in 1954 may have delayed the military
dictatorship (1964-1985) by ten years. The military, it seems, was poised to seize power
towards the end of Vargas’s rule, but relented in the wake of public opinion that,
overnight, shifted from restlessness to sympathy.

As close to Africa as it is to the United States, Brazil has been influenced by African
music to a far greater extent than this country. Some of us listen to King Sunny Adé,
Salif Keita and Baaba Maal, but it doesn’t go much further than that. Salvador, Bahia, on
the other hand, has harbored and nurtured a strong African undercurrent from its earliest
days. Christopher Dunn’s “Tropicalism and Brazilian Popular Music under Military
Rule,” highlighting such musicians as Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, naturally,
should find an audience among those who gravitate and gyrate to world music.

The section devoted to “Women’s Lives” has an appeal that transcends gender,
whether in the account of avant-garde artist Tarsila do Amaral or of Amazonian Indians
mashing manioc into farinha. Under the heading of “Race and Ethnic
Relations” is included some recently discovered manuscript notes for Britita’s
Diary, a book by Carolina Maria de Jesus, better known perhaps for Child of the
Dark, her account of living in shantytown.

We may assume that poor families stick together and look after their own; what we learn
is that this isn’t necessarily true. Another revelation: The late Lester B. Rout, Jr.,
formerly with the Paul Winter Sextet, was a black musician who at one time considered
moving to Brazil from the United States. What he discovered there during the 1960s,
however, made him realize that the country wasn’t colorblind after all, that racial
segregation was lurking just under the surface.

Everyone’s heard of Hector Babenco’s 1981 film, Pixote (at the time of its
release, the third most commercially successful film in Brazil behind Dona Flor and Her
Two Husbands and Bye Bye Brazil), but many people may not have been aware of
the fate of its leading actor—shot to death a few years later by the police at age
19. Robert M. Levine’s account of Pixote star Fernando Ramos da Silva’s short,
tragic life is not only fascinating, but indirectly a scathing commentary on the social
fabric of the time in that it embraces attitudes about race and prejudice, poverty and
social welfare.

Whether ingested in short sips or long draughts, The Brazil Reader has an
accumulative weight, breadth, and durability. Along with Thomas E. Skidmore’s Brazil:
Five Centuries of Change, it’s a book that deserves to be kept in reach. It is, in
fact, hard to imagine how we were able to get along without it.

Bondo Wyszpolski also heads up the arts and entertainment section of the
Easy Reader, a weekly newspaper based in the South Bay of southern California. He
can be reached at bwyszpolski@earthlink.net

EXCERPT

from “Pixote’s Fate,” by Robert M. Levine, in The Brazil
Reader, ed. by Robert M. Levine and John J. Crocitti.

The movie’s national and international success came when Fernando Ramos da Silva was
twelve, a year after the movie was made. Pixote [1981] was seen by an estimated two
and a half million people in twenty countries, mostly in art cinemas… In 1984, he was
arrested on robbery charges in his old neighborhood. After his second arrest, in 1985, he
told a reporter that he wanted the public to forget his image as Pixote. “I want a
chance to live as a man, without being persecuted,” he said. “They created a
Pixote, but they did not know how to prepare him for life.” He pleaded with José
Louzeiro to write a sequel to his romance-reportage in which Pixote would be redeemed. The
request was not considered viable, however. “I pulled him out of this absurd dream,
to wake him up for other projects, but he didn’t seem to believe,” Louzeiro said in
response.

His brothers and sisters said that Fernando felt persecuted by being typecast as Pixote
and wanted to play romantic roles. In 1985, now nineteen with two tattoos on his arms and
a sparse beard, he married a sixteen-year-old girl from a family of migrants from the
interior of Minas Gerais, Cida Venâncio da Silva. Fernando settled down to an ordered
life after the birth of their daughter, Jacqueline. His wife later said that Fernando
always had two personalities: the aggressive and self-sufficient character of Pixote, and
a more emotional, romantic, and sensitive face, which she called the “real
Fernando.” His last job was in the Northeast, where he had been acting in a play, Atalpia
My Love, in the part of a hired assassin.

When he returned to his family, he was playing cards in a neighborhood tenement when he
learned that the military police were conducting raids in the area, looking for criminals.
Fearing that he would be harmed, he fled unarmed to another house. The police found out
about his flight, and although they had no formal charge against him nor any warrant,
pursued him and dragged him out from under a bed where he was hiding. He pleaded with his
captors not to harm him—he was overheard by several residents of the tenement as
saying that he was the father of a small daughter he had to raise—but was shot to
death…

His mother and wife cried to reporters that the shooting had been a police execution.
The body had seven holes in it; two in the right arm, five more in the chest. A forensic
examination revealed that on the basis of the powder marks on his white cotton shirt, the
youth had been shot with the gun nearly touching him while he was lying on the ground, but
the official police report blandly said that he had died while resisting arrest. Police
spokespersons, attempting damage control, rationalized the youth’s violent end by
emphasizing that he was a known bandit and that he used his fame as Pixote to demand
clemency when he was caught. “Every time he was detained,” Mario Miguel Bittar,
the police officer who first arrested him claimed, “[he] promised to straighten out,
and he cried a lot…” What Bittar did not mention was that each time that
Fernando was arrested, the boy had been tortured with electric shocks, and that the police
had treated him all the more roughly than other youths in their custody because of his
fame. Fernando’s death produced an outcry across Brazil, but it quickly subsided…

On one hand, then, the outcry against what had happened suggested that people did care,
that the success of the film Pixote and the publicly expressed sympathy at what had
happened to the film’s baby-faced title actor was a positive sign. But the fact was that
nothing changed. Several of Fernando’s own brothers died violent deaths without public
outcry; they were, of course, unimportant marginals without the aura of film
stardom… Of the seven child actors in Pixote, only the boy who played the
androgynous Lilica, Jorge Julião, briefly succeeded in an acting career. The others fell
back into poverty.

Send
your
comments to
Brazzil

Tags:

You May Also Like

Brazilian poet Leonardo Lopes da Silva and his book

A Wandering Brazilian Poet Who Sees His Cultural Upbringing as Blessing and Curse

“Name at least one way to tame the upsurges of tiresome suns, though the ...

It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country?

For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. ...

Rio Carnaval Parade Celebrating the Amazon Indians Leaves Big Farm Livid

Rio’s Carnaval festivities were threatened this year by a spat pitting a well-known parade ...

Vieira said he was confident that Brazil's friendship with Israel would survive the behavior of the current government in Tel Aviv

Brazil Keeps Lula’s Line of Blaming Israel for Genocide and Blocking Humanitarian Aid

Brazil’s Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira told his country’s Senate Thursday that Israel’s “blockade of ...

People skilled with weapons, sometimes linked to the state, use violence to ensure illicit activities. Giuseppe Flandoli/Shutterstock

The Future of the Amazon and the World Climate Is in the Hands of the Brazilian Militias

The future of the environmental agenda is on a collision course with Brazil’s violent ...

Brazzil Magazine covers

U.S.A. Calendar Thursday 1

THURSDAY 1 BEVERLY HILLS 10:30 PM – Kátia Moraes at Bokaos (310) 659-1200 BERKELEY, ...