Biden Ruffles Feathers in Brazil Threatening Country with Sanctions for Deforestation

U.S. Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden called on the world to offer Brazil US$ 20 billion to stop Amazon deforestation, and threatened “economic consequences” if Brazil did not comply, drawing swift reaction from the Brazilian government.

President Jair Bolsonaro said it was “regrettable” Biden’s comments about deforestation in the Amazon and commented he would not accept bribes.

In a series of posts on Twitter, Bolsonaro wrote that “our sovereignty is non-negotiable” and that the federal government is “conducting unprecedented actions to protect the Amazon.”

The Brazilian president also affirmed that the help of the Americans for the preservation of the forest “is welcome, including for sustainable investment projects that create decent jobs for the Amazonian population, as I have been talking with president Trump.”

“Just one question: Biden’s US$ 20 billion in aid, is that yearly?” Brazil Environment Minister, Ricardo Salles, tweeted.

In Tuesday’s heated first U.S. campaign debate, Biden said Brazil provided an example of how President Donald Trump “has no relationship with foreign policy.”

“The rainforests of Brazil are being torn down,” he said.

“I would be gathering up and making sure we had the countries of the world coming up with US$ 20 billion, and say, ‘Here’s US$ 20 billion. Stop tearing down the forest. And if you don’t then you’re gonna have significant economic consequences.'”

Biden’s remark prompted speculation among Brazilian journalists about what those possible consequences could be, with major broadcaster GloboNews’ Washington correspondent Raquel Krähenbühl saying on Twitter it was a threat of sanctions.

Official data show that an area roughly the size of Lebanon was deforested in Brazil’s Amazon in 2019, an 11-year high, with preliminary government data for 2020 showing forest clearances up 34.5%.

But Salles and the government of right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro maintain that Brazil is a model of conservation because of the amount of forest still standing.

Brazil has also repeatedly said that the world should pay up if it wants more forest to be preserved.

The country’s demands that the world adopt a system that honors old Kyoto protocol carbon credits, for which Brazil hopes to be paid, contributed to U.N. talks failing last year on how to regulate carbon markets.

Brazil is also launching an adopt-a-park program seeking funding for preserving its protected areas, but newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo reported this month it had attracted no foreign interest.

Protecting Mangroves and Ecosystems

Brazilian court blocked President Jair Bolsonaro’s government on Tuesday from repealing regulations protecting mangroves and other fragile coastal ecosystems, after an outcry from environmentalists.

Ruling a day after a decision to eliminate so-called “permanent protection zones” along Brazil’s Atlantic coast, Federal Judge Maria Carvalho granted a request from a group of lawyers for an injunction against the move, “given the obvious risk of irreparable damages to the environment,” she said.

The protected areas were created in 2002 to preserve Brazil’s many tropical mangroves and the sand-dune scrublands known as “restinga.”

The regulations bar development within 300 meters of the high-tide line in such areas, a rule that repeatedly tripped up developers of beachfront hotels and condominiums.

Environmentalists had warned that rolling back the regulations could have catastrophic impact. The head of the environmental group SOS Mata Atlântica, Mario Mantovani, said that the move was “a crime against society.”

The blocked repeal is the latest in a series of environmental controversies for Bolsonaro, a far-right climate-change skeptic who has presided over a surge in deforestation and fires in the Amazon rainforest and Pantanal wetlands since taking office in January 2019.

The decision was made at a meeting of the National Environmental Council (Conama), which is presided over by Environment Minister Ricardo Salles.

The council brings together government officials, environmental groups and business associations, but the administration has dramatically changed its composition.

Last year, the government issued a decree reducing the number of council members from 96 to 23, giving its own members more weight.

In other decisions on Monday, the council also repealed a measure requiring environmental permits for irrigation projects and authorized cement companies to burn empty pesticide containers to recycle them in concrete, a practice environmentalists say is highly polluting.

Salles has a knack for stirring up controversy. In April, a video recording was made public of a cabinet meeting at which the environment minister said the coronavirus pandemic was an opportunity to roll back regulations “now that the media’s only talking about Covid.”

Brazilian Farmers Divided

Brazil’s biggest lobby group for soy farmers Aprosoja has broken ties with the Brazil Agribusiness Association (Abag) over its support for an initiative calling on the Brazilian government to rein in soaring deforestation in the Amazon rainforest.

Abag was among roughly 230 nongovernment organizations, companies and associations that called on the government of right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro earlier this month to take measures to combat rising deforestation.

Aprosoja’s departure from the association highlights just how divisive the issue of environmental protection is for Brazil’s farming sector, which overwhelmingly backed president Jair Bolsonaro in the 2018 election.

Environmental concerns in Europe over importing Brazilian products linked to deforestation have threatened to derail ratification of a free trade deal between the European Union and Mercosur bloc. That would deal a blow to Brazilian farmers who stand to benefit from increased exports.

Many of the biggest farmers and commodities trading companies say marginal producers, who do not represent the industry’s mainstream, are driving illegal deforestation.

Some farmers, as well as Bolsonaro, blame Brazil’s negative environmental image on a smear campaign by non-governmental organizations. Environmental advocates say Bolsonaro’s policies that weaken environmental enforcement embolden illegal farmers, ranchers and miners to clear the forest.

Aprosoja President Bartolomeu Braz Pereira said Abag was playing politics by siding with non-government organizations. “NGOs have no interest whatsoever in preserving the environment,” Pereira said. By allying with NGOs, Abag was complicit in “denigrating the image of rural producers.”

Abag’s press office said it would not comment on any member organizations leaving the association, but that it was not cause for concern.

Deforestation in Brazil’s Amazon rose 34.5% in the 12 months through July, Brazil’s official period for measuring deforestation, according to preliminary statistics from government space research agency Inpe.

Reuters/MP

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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