The End of Brazil’s Richest Man: Bald and in Jail

Former Brazilian billionaire Eike Batista was arrested upon arrival at the Tom Jobim/Galeão International Airport, in Rio de Janeiro, by Federal Police officers. He was arriving from New York where he had gone on business.

Batista had been placed on Interpol’s list as an international fugitive. He was checked at the Medical Examiner’s Office (IML), in Rio, for his health condition and then sent to the Ary Franco prison in Rio de Janeiro.

The entrepreneur, who is the owner of the EBX group, is suspected of money laundering in a corruption scandal that has also ensnared former Rio de Janeiro state governor Sérgio Cabral, who is already jailed.

Batista’s arrest warrant was issued last week as part of the Federal Police’s Operation “Efficiency”, a spin-off case originating from the “Car Wash” probe.

Not long ago Eike Batista was considered one of the world considered one of the world’s 10 richest people. Brazilian federal police detained Batista on allegations of bribing the former governor of Rio, as part of the country’s largest investigation into a corruption scheme in the state-run oil company Petrobras.

The police had raided his home on Thursday. He argued that he never intended to flee the country. Batista declined to answer a reporters’ question about whether he considered himself guilty or innocent.

“I am returning to answer to the courts, as is my duty,” Batista told the Globo television network at New York’s John F. Kennedy International Airport. “It’s time for me to clear this up.”

Police accuse Batista of paying US$ 16 million to former Rio governor Sergio Cabral in exchange for support of the businessman’s many Rio-based endeavors.

The 60-year-old businessman, who has sold his stakes in the energy, mining and logistics empire known as EBX Group, was once married to actress and Carnaval queen Luma de Oliveira and is the son of a former chief executive officer of mining company Vale SA, one of the companies involved in the Samarco mining disaster, a dam collapse in 2015 that killed 19 people and spread pollution and devastation through a vast area.

“I think federal prosecutors are cleaning up Brazil in a fantastic manner,” Batista told Globo TV. “The Brazil that is being born now will be different.”

Five years ago, he had a net worth exceeding US$ 30 billion and was considered one of the world’s 10 richest people.

https://youtu.be/6YfnrUgIovs

Odebrecht

In another important corruption case, federal Supreme Court President Cármen Lúcia approved Monday plea bargain statements of 77 executives and former employees of Odebrecht, Brazil’s largest construction conglomerate, in which they detail the corruption network run inside Petrobras, the country’s state-run oil company.

As a result, the more than 800 testimonials have become valid and will be used as evidence.

The sweeping corruption investigation, which now covers several state-run companies, has jailed prestigious CEOs and major political figures, convicted more than 80 people and confirmed some US$ 2 billion in bribes paid over several years.

The records include the testimony of the company’s former CEO, Marcelo Odebrecht, who has been jailed in Curitiba since 2015 and has already been sentenced to 19 years in prison by a lower federal court.

It is now largely speculated whether Cármen Lúcia will declassify the contents of the testimonies where former executives have implicated dozens of politicians who are currently in office.

The top court’s green lights for the testimonies came after the death on January 19 of Teori Zavascki, the Supreme Court justice overseeing the Car Wash case at the Supreme Court level.

A plane he was flying in fell into the sea near Paraty, Rio de Janeiro. He had interrupted his judiciary Christmas holidays to ensure he could authorize the testimonies into the case as quickly as possible.

Upon Zavascki’s death, Cármen Lúcia, as the chief justice of the Supreme Court, gained the authority to accept the testimonies during the judiciary Christmas break.

But after the holidays end, which will happen this 31 of January, Cármen Lúcia will lose her authority to decide on Car Wash matters, and another justice should take over oversight of the case at the Supreme Court.

The decision as to who is going to be the next reporting justice on the case is still under speculation at the Supreme Court – under the internal regulations of the court, there can be a number of outcomes.

It is not known, for example, whether the next justice in charge of Car Wash will be drawn from among the full bar or the so-called “second panel”, a smaller chamber of justices within the bar Zavascki was part of.

Bribery Department

According to Federal Police investigations authorized by Federal Judge Sérgio Moro of the lower court in Curitiba, Odebrecht had maintained an informal department within its organization that was responsible for kickback payments, known as the Structured Operations Division.

According to the Car Wash task force, part of the company’s employees were dedicated to operating these payments, which were directly assigned by the company’s senior management.

The transactions were logged into a sophisticated computer system with servers in Switzerland, whose content the Federal Prosecution Service is still taking steps to gain access to, due to the system’s strict security protocols.

Last March, Federal Police seized a spreadsheet at the home of former Odebrecht executive Benedicto Barbosa da Silva Júnior, as part of Operation “Acarajé”, as the 23rd stage of Operation Car Wash was dubbed. The spreadsheet, which was classified, listed payments to more than 200 politicians.

The company’s illegal dealings reached beyond Brazilian borders. Odebrecht is investigated in at least three other Latin American countries: Peru, Venezuela and Ecuador.

As part of a corporate leniency deal with the United States in late December, the company admitted to paying US$ 3.3 billion in kickbacks to government officials of 12 countries.

Brazilian President Michel Temer commented that the Chief Justice did right by authorizing the use of the plea bargain statements of 77 executives and former employees of Odebrecht construction company.

“I think she did what she had to do and, in that sense, she did right,” Temer said while visiting the state of Pernambuco.

The president made the remarks after attending the inauguration of the third water pumping station as part of the São Francisco River Integration Project, in the town of Floresta, in Pernambuco.

ABr/teleSUR

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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