We Don’t Want Alms or Glass Beads, But Respect, Says Brazilian Indigenous Leader

Interview with indigenous chief Alvaro Tukano on the situation of indigenous peoples in Brazil and Covid-19

Álvaro Fernandes Sampaio Tukano is the chief of the 260,000 hectares Balaio Indian Reservation of the Tukano people on the upper Rio Negro in the state of Amazonas, Brazil. For decades, the 67-year-old defends the rights of the indigenous peoples, their territories and traditions.

Alvaro is considered one of the most important political leaders of Brazil’s indigenous peoples. In the 1970s he co-founded the indigenous movement in Brazil and in 1984 co-founded the umbrella organization of the Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA).

How do you describe the situation of indigenous peoples in Brazil in general and today?

Álvaro Tukano: I would like to thank you for the opportunity to talk about the reality of the indigenous peoples and my people who live on the border between Brazil and Venezuela, in the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira. My ceremony name is Doéthiro.

Doéthiro was the first man of my people called Yepa Mahsã. We are descendants of Doéthiro. Today I am 67 years and my father is 114 years old. He is one of the last survivors of the ancients, because most of them are gone and took a lot of traditional knowledge with them.

Generally speaking, Brazil has a history that is not pleasant for its indigenous peoples. We have lost peace since the day the “white man” entered our country. And our country was torn apart by the greed of the invaders. To date, we face prejudice and the Brazilian authorities are watering down our rights. The reality is that the “whites” have been robbing us since 1500, and they are still robbing us.

Such as the thousands of illegal gold miners in the Yanomami and Munduruku reservations…

Álvaro Tukano: The Brazilians know what the real situation is in this country. We are simply not taken into account. And because our rights are not respected and implemented by the government today, we find ourselves in an unfortunate situation with invaders like land robbers, timber companies, gold miners (garimpeiros) and a lack of justice and the murder of our leaders.

And all of this is done in the name of the development of Brazil and the exploitation of our resources for the world. It would be good if we were respected so that we would not be constantly manipulated in the name of progress. This is very bad for us.

And the Covid 19 pandemic has further worsened the situation of the indigenous population…

Álvaro Tukano: We are fed up with living in this world of injustice. And now the new corona virus was added. Without support, we lack the minimum conditions to face this pandemic.

Nevertheless, our wise healers with their traditional knowledge try to fight the disease. The majority of the indigenous people who had the coronavirus survived in my territory of the Tukano people. They escaped death with the help of shamanism and medicinal plants from the rainforest.

It is also a sad fact that COVID-19 has already hit a total of 140 Indian reservations and more than 620 indigenous people have died from the virus according to the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB).

Álvaro Tukano: Mainly the indigenous people who were treated in non-indigenous public hospitals have died. They died because they did not believe in our traditional healing methods and medicines and because of the lack of traditional wisdom. The loss of traditional knowledge makes us dependent on the state healthcare system, and this system is expensive and not good.

Other native peoples such as the Xavante in Mato Grosso and the Kayapó in Pará have lost important leaders and chiefs because of the corona virus. A big loss was the legendary Paulinho Paiakan.

Álvaro Tukano: Unfortunately that’s the truth. We have lost the great Paulinho Paiakan, the defender of the indigenous peoples of the Amazon. He was a long-time colleague, a big star of the indigenous movement and the Kayapó people. In southern Brazil, we lost chief Nelson Xangrê, who was one of the first known leaders of the Kaingang and who also fought alongside me for the indigenous rights over the years. He also died of COVID-19.

Chiefs of the Xavante also died, and all because the indigenous world is becoming smaller and smaller due to the immense expansion of agribusiness. The agribusiness continues to advance with its pesticides and “roasts” the Cerrado, the Amazon and the rest of the country. The contamination happens day and night. Unfortunately we are facing this sad situation.

As a long time indigenous leader, what is your assessment of the previous government, the 14 years of PT, the Workers’ Party in power?

Álvaro Tukano: To touch that subject is to touch an open wound. I will touch the wound. As a leader for 30 years I took this banner of PT, the Workers’ Party, to many regions of the country. Despite being unemployed, we spoke as if we were factory workers, salaried men. I am not a wage earner, I am independent, like many indigenous people. However, it was good to dream about a better Brazil.

Unfortunately here in this country, the extremists on the right and the left, they are very quarrelsome, each defends his group, his dogma and forgets us, the indigenous peoples. So, I can’t say if that was a good time or that Lula was good. I cannot.

When that government of Lula da Silva was in power, it had the pen in its hand. But it was weak in the face of other programs that were of interest to large transcontinental companies such as hydroelectric power plants, dams, the transposition of the São Francisco River and other mega projects such as large football stadiums. And that was not in our interest.

Our interest was that the government demarcated and approved all indigenous territories – which did not happen. So it is really hard to say that it was good for us.

What is needed to improve the situation of the indigenous peoples of Brazil?

Álvaro Tukano: We need more resistance against the oppression we are suffering here in this country. These are, for example, the agricultural companies that threaten the future of Brazil and especially the future of the indigenous peoples.

International organizations also need to recognize where the real difficulties are. Many First World countries have given Brazil economic support to maintain and defend the Amazon and its peoples. This money is in the Brazilian development bank BNDES, more than a billion dollars. But this money does not reach the indigenous peoples who defend the Amazon day and night.

In November 1980, at the 4th Russell Tribunal in Rotterdam, I accused the Brazilian military dictatorship and the Salesian missionaries in the Amazon of ethnocide, which cost me dearly. Then in 1990, as a representative of COICA, I traveled through Europe to sign an agreement with European cities which should provide financial support for the defense of the Amazon rainforest.

You mean the Climate Alliance and the Manifesto of European Cities on an Alliance with Amazonian Indian Peoples, which is celebrating its 30th anniversary this year.

Álvaro Tukano: Yes. Since then, many NGOs have taken over the funds that were intended to protect the Amazon. Instead of benefiting the indigenous peoples, the money remained in the offices of the large NGOs – until today. Nothing came to us. That has to be said.

So it’s not just the Brazilian government that stands in the way. There are also people on the management levels of NGOs who hinder us, boycott and reject our projects. But we don’t really care. We will continue as we are.

We don’t want alms, sweets, glass beads or mirrors. It is respect that we want from the non-indigenous world, equality in dialogue and equality before the law. Brazilian society should support the indigenous peoples and respect our rights.

What else is necessary?

Álvaro Tukano: Brazil has 314 indigenous peoples who speak 272 languages. We are all together less than 1 million indigenous people in Brazil, we are survivors. There is Brazil’s state agency for indigenous affairs FUNAI, which basically has good employees to demarcate and protect our territories. But if FUNAI, like today, has no support from the government, this is bad for us. That is why we experience so many invasions by logging companies, gold miners and others.

What is your wish for the near future?

Álvaro Tukano: I would like to say to the young indigenous leaders in Brazil: we must never forget our origins and never be ashamed of our origins. We have to revive our traditions, maintain our ethics. And keep the simplicity that has always been the nobility of our chiefs, and don’t let anyone manipulate you.

This interview was conducted by Brazilian sociologist Márcia Gomes de Oliveira and journalist Norbert Suchanek from Rio de Janeiro.

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In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. 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In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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