G20 Host Brazil Pulling Out All the Stops to Make Meeting a Global Success

World leaders, including US President Joe Biden, China’s Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, will be attending the Group of 20 (G20) summit in Rio de Janeiro, which will take place November 18-19.

The G20 is a collection of leading economic nations that account for roughly two-thirds of the world population and 80% of world trade. The grouping was founded in 1999 to deal with financial crises and economic disruptions by bringing together the world’s largest economies.

It gained prominence during the 2008 global financial crisis when it began holding annual summits of national leaders.

The forum has since evolved into somewhat of a “mini UN” that deals with issues like climate change and geopolitical tensions, even though member states do not always agree on what should be on the agenda.

What’s Brazil focusing on?

Brazil took over the body’s annually rotating presidency from India last December, and South Africa will assume the presidency for the next year.

Throughout the year, Brazil has hosted and chaired multiple G20 ministerial meetings.

Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s government has put issues that concern the developing world at the heart of the nation’s G20 presidency. These include the reduction of inequalities, reforming of global governance institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Trade Organization and the need to tackle climate change and promote environmentally sustainable economic development.

M. Habib Abiyan Dzakwan, a researcher focusing on international economic policy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Indonesia, a Jakarta-based think tank, said Brazil must strengthen the G20 countries’ approach to crucial issues such as climate change and global health challenges.

“Consolidation among emerging economies is very important because developing countries cannot expect too much from the United States, especially under the next [Donald] Trump administration,” he said. “The same applies to Europe; we cannot rely on them too much either.”

But it’s unclear what Brazil will be able to achieve in concrete terms.

How did India manage last year?

The summit will also likely offer an opportunity for leaders to discuss divisive issues such as Russia’s war in Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East.

A look at the G20 summits over the past two years, hosted by India last year and Indonesia in 2022, shows the challenge faced by Brazil in achieving a consensus on a joint leaders’ declaration.

India was able to notch a diplomatic victory by negotiating a consensus last year, with the final joint declaration touching on the Ukraine war but avoiding specifically condemning Russia.

Instead, it categorized the “human suffering and negative added impacts” of the war in an economic context “with regard to global food and energy security, supply chains, macro-financial stability, inflation and growth.”

Ajay Bisaria, a former Indian diplomat, said that the summit was “indicative of India’s ability to balance its historically stable partnership with Russia while nurturing its relationship with Western countries.”

“More than just balancing key relationships, what India attempted in geopolitics was to bridge divides. This applied both to the East-West divide and to the North-South one,” he added.

At last year’s event, the African Union also became a permanent member of the G20.

The move was seen as a way to highlight the importance of including the “Global South” in multilateral forums.

Observers in India say the summit in New Delhi bolstered their country’s image as a growing diplomatic and economic force on the global stage, particularly at a time when the world was confronting multiple geopolitical and economic crises.

An acrimonious presidency

During Indonesia’s presidency a year earlier, the G20 leaders gathered on the idyllic island of Bali.

It was one of the most acrimonious presidencies in the grouping’s history.

The summit took place at a time doubts were being raised about the very effectiveness and usefulness of the G20, against the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which caused unprecedented divisions within the club.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo was keen on having the G20 leadership as the capstone of his presidency.

And in the end the outcome of the summit exceeded expectations, marking a diplomatic coup for Jakarta.

Participants were able to agree on a carefully worded final declaration, noting that “most members strongly condemned the war in Ukraine and stressed it is causing immense human suffering and exacerbating existing fragilities in the global economy.”

Unique and complex challenges

Dzakwan, the CSIS researcher, said that each G20 presidency faces its own unique and increasingly complex challenges.

He noted that Indonesia’s presidency in 2022 was significantly overshadowed by the Russia-Ukraine war, while India last year had to grapple with escalating tensions in the Middle East in addition to the Ukraine conflict.

Dzakwan argued that these challenges will continue to intensify, particularly with Donald Trump set to return to the White House after scoring a thumping victory in the US presidential elections.

“It has never been easy, especially since Donald Trump’s first presidency. It demonstrates that multilateralism is not too effective, but rather more transactional,” he told DW.

Srinivas Mazumdaru is an editor and reporter focusing on business and Asia. He
is fascinated by economics, history and geopolitics.

DW

Tags:

You May Also Like

Rio's Christ the Redeemer dressed with the Chinese flag

Nobody Can Compete with the Chinese in Brazil and Latin America. EU Trying to Catch Up

The Brazilian community of Joinville should have presented German businesses with something of a ...

Brazzil Magazine covers

Brazil President Gets First Win in Congress in Fight to Contain Public Spending

A congressional committee in Brazil approved on Thursday a constitutional amendment that would limit ...

Riachuelo submarine, a name alluding to the Naval Battle of the Riachuelo, considered decisive in the Paraguayan War - Photo: José Dias/PR

Brazil President Not Happy with Biden, Threatens a War Against the US Over the Amazon

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, a close ally of Republican President Donald Trump and one ...

Paramount Pictures title card for ‘W’ere on our Way to Rio’ (1944)

ANIMATED BRAZIL — PART TWO: WON’T YOU BE MY GOOD NEIGHBOR?

Let Us Entertain You Nothing succeeds like success. And to repeat a successful formula, ...

A soy field in Brazil

Study Finds Soy Farming Is Causing Cancer Deaths in Children in Brazil

Researchers say they have found a correlation between soy farming and leukemia deaths among ...

It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country?

For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. ...