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In Brazil, When They Can’t Deal with the Flood They Call the Army

A Brazilian Army soldier rescues a boy - Exército Brasileiro

Thousands of people benefited from actions to deliver supplies and provide transportation and first aid for more than 20 days to two Brazilian states affected by intense rains.

Pernambuco and Alagoas are two northeastern states in Brazil that usually suffer from long periods of drought. Since the end of May, the scenario has been different. Heavy rains led local authorities to declare a state of emergency in 50 cities. Floods and mudslides affected more than 48,000 people. Of those, nearly 3,000 lost their homes.

The disaster prompted Brazil’s Ministry of Defense to ask the Armed Forces to help those in need. Members of the Brazilian Navy (MB, per its Portuguese acronym), and the Brazilian Air Force (FAB, per its Portuguese acronym), concentrated on the deployment of people and the transport of supplies, and joined the Brazilian Army (EB, per its Portuguese acronym) in the work coordinated by the latter in two field hospitals.

The city of Rio Formoso in the state of Pernambuco was the first to receive one of the field hospitals, since the water had flooded the municipal hospital, resulting in lost equipment and hampering operations. From June 2nd to 5th the city’s population only had the assistance offered by 34 Armed Forces professionals who worked there.

Another hospital was set up in Marechal Deodoro in the state of Alagoas, where the rains mainly caused damage in the historical town center, which remained partially submerged, accessible only by canoe.

The EB structure set up in this town helped three more municipalities and also involved 34 service members. They were deployed on June 23rd, once the activities of the region’s health institutions returned to normal.

“Each field hospital has 10 barracks, and doctors, nurses, pharmacists, and nurse technicians, including service members from the Brazilian Army, Navy, and Air Force,” said Brazilian Army Colonel Maria Sandra Andrade, from the Health Inspector’s Office of the 7th Military Region in Pernambuco, and coordinator of the Field Hospital for the Northeast Military Command.

The barracks used measured 48 square meters each. The combination of a dozen of these structures allows the hospitals set up in Rio Formoso and Marechal Deodoro to have a triage and welcome section, a room for urgent and emergency care, outpatient clinics to attend four patients simultaneously, a nursing center, and a pharmacy.

An observation section, where patients stayed for up to 24 hours, and a section to perform procedures such as suturing, bandaging, administering drugs, and applying splints to fractures was also set up.

Additionally, the field hospital in Rio Formoso has a laboratory for tests and clinical analysis not found at the Marechal Deodoro structure. The latter, by way of compensation, had X-ray machines that were not available to the other city.

In the two hospitals, the main complaints directly related to the floods were vomiting, diarrhea, fever, and respiratory complications.

“Many problems were caused by contact with contaminated water, difficulty storing food, and the isolation of some communities,” explained Col. Sandra. She also recalled cases of anxiety attacks in those in shock over the loss of their possessions, their homes, and even loved ones.

“This type of mission is very sensitive because the people receive serious cases and simple cases, but they are all involved in the complexity of an emergency situation due to the storms,” she stated.

In the Marechal Deodoro hospital, around 450 people received assistance during 19 days of operation. In Rio Formoso, that number rose to approximately 3,000 people, according to a survey conducted June 29th, a week before the structure started to be dismantled.

Among the many incidents that marked the emergency mission, one stood out. On June 8th, an 18-year-old woman arrived at the Rio Formoso field hospital ready to give birth.

The delivery was performed by a civilian doctor, who was a member of the team, with the aid of a military pediatrician, who was responsible for first aid and evaluation of the infant.

“Everything went very well. They baby was very healthy and the mother remained calm. It was a special moment for everyone,” recalled Col. Sandra.

Deployments and Transport of Supplies

FAB deployed 12 airmen from the Rio de Janeiro-based Puma Squadron to the mission in Pernambuco and Alagoas. The team employed an H-36 Caracal helicopter to carry food, water, and other supplies to the areas most affected by the rains, as well as to transport the homeless.

MB’s participation had the same goal. Ten service members were deployed in a UH-15 helicopter from the 2nd General Use Helicopter Squadron, also based in Rio de Janeiro.

The Crisis Cabinet located in Recife, the capital of Pernambuco, was in charge of coordinating the assistance offered by the armed forces and other governmental agencies.

“As for the flights, the coordination was done between the cabinet, the Navy, and the Air Force between 8:00 am and 6:00 pm every day,” reported Rear Admiral Flávio Augusto Viana Rocha, the director of the Navy’s Social Communication Center.

“The Armed Forces are characterized by the capacity to mobilize, work together, and the unending search for the common good,” he added.

Members of the 15th Wing, an operational unit of FAB based in Recife, were also partnered with a non-governmental organization from that city and participated in the triage of the wounded, separating supplies, and loading the trucks with the donations that were delivered to the population in the most critical regions.

This article appeared originally in Diálogo – https://dialogo-americas.com/en/home

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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