Brazil and Russia Are Teaming Up to Work on Nuclear Plants and Nuclear Medicine

Russia and Brazil will consider the possibilities of building new nuclear power plants in the country, as well as cooperation in the sphere of radiation technologies and nuclear medicine, the countries’ leaders said in a joint statement Wednesday.

“Russia and Brazil will consider ways to expand cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in the following areas: radiation technologies and nuclear medicine, nuclear fuel cycle, training and upgrading of skills of specialists in the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, completion of the third power unit of the Angra nuclear power plant, as well as the construction of new nuclear power plants in Brazil,” it said.

“There are prospective projects in the nuclear power industry. In the beginning of this year, the Russian company Rosatom won a tender for the supply of uranium for Brazilian nuclear power plants… The company… would like to receive a contract for the construction of a spent nuclear fuel storage facility at the site of the Angra NPP in the state of Rio de Janeiro,” Putin told reporters.

Russian energy giant Gazprom is interested in the establishment of liquefied natural gas supplies to Brazil and construction of underground storage facilities for it, the materials ahead of the meeting of Russian and Brazilian leaders read.

“A branch of Gazprom is operating in Rio de Janeiro. The company is interested in establishment of liquefied gas to Brazil, import of Brazilian equipment for gas production facilities on the sea shelf, as well as in participation in the construction of underground storage facilities for LNG,” the documents read.

Space

Russia and Brazil are considering the possibility of conducting joint launches of carrier rockets from a Brazilian space center, Putin revealed.

“We are looking into the possibility of conducting joint space launches from Brazil’s launching site, as well as of constructing small- and medium-lift launch vehicles. We also have ideas on establishing cooperation in remote Earth sensing,” the Russian leader said after his meeting with Temer.

Putin stressed that Russia and Brazil closely cooperate in peaceful space exploration, and recalled that four foreign stations of the Russian global navigation system Glonass are operating in Brazil.

Temer, in his turn, said he gave a positive assessment to construction of the Glonass stations on Brazilian soil, and expressed interest in expanding the network of such stations.

The Brazilian Space Agency operates two launch centers, the Alcântara Launch Center on the northern peninsula of the same name, and the Barreira do Inferno Launch Center, which is used as support to the first one.

Glonass, a global navigation system operated by the Russian Aerospace Forces, consists of 27 satellites, 24 of which are operational. The system allows real-time positioning and speed data for surface, sea and airborne objects around the world.

Currently, there are eight Glonass stations located outside Russia, with four of them in Brazil, three in the Antarctic and one in South Africa.

Terror

Russia and Brazil are ready to boost bilateral cooperation in a wide range of spheres, including the defense industry, trade and the economy, as well as the nuclear energy sector, the Russian and Brazilian leaders said in a statement on Wednesday.

The two leaders also agreed to deepen coordination in the fight against terror.

“We have just signed a joint statement with the president on strategic foreign policy dialogue, which provides for a higher level of coordination and efforts by our countries in combating new challenges and threats, terrorism, supporting peace, stability, non-proliferation, and armaments control,” Putin told reporters after the meeting with his Brazilian counterpart.

The Brazilian President arrived in Moscow on Tuesday for a two-day visit and talks with the Russian leaders.

Paulo Nogueira Batista Jr., the Vice President of the country’s New Development Bank, said that the visit of the Brazilian leader comes as confirmation of the important role Brazil assigns to one of its key partners in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) format.

The banker stressed that ten years ago, the association of five major emerging national economies started with a dialogue between Russia and Brazil, which then extended to other states.

Nowadays, he said, the association has very promising prospects, including China’s New Silk Road project, One Belt, One Road. Brazil’s New Development Bank, which opened its branch in Shanghai in 2015, is set to participate in this project alongside other multinational banks. It has already inked an agreement with the Chinese government under which it is going to finance this infrastructural project.

Cybersecurity

Russia’s Kaspersky Lab IT company has started developing special cybersecurity software on behalf of the Brazilian Defense Ministry and several banks.

“Russia’s Kaspersky Lab company is expanding a range of services at the Brazilian market. The company has started development of special cybersecurity software on behalf of the Brazilian Defense Ministry and several major banks,” the documents said.

According to the documents, Moscow and Brasília are also cooperating in the sphere of development of software and the use of Russian technologies in the Brazilian system of e-government services.

The documents added that a number of other Russian companies, such as payment service provider Qiwi and remote banking services system Megapay, are also working in Brazil or participating in tenders on the provision of software to the Latin American nation.

Human Rights

There are certain complaints against the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECHR) decisions, but it is too early to estimate the prospects of alternative to the organization proposed within the framework of the BRICS organization, a member of the Council for Civil Society and Human Rights told reporters.

Yelena Sutormina, the chair of the Russian Civic Chamber’s Committee on Public Diplomacy and Support for Compatriots Abroad, informed that the Civic Chamber had plans to send a proposal to the Russian Foreign Ministry to create an alternative to the ECHR within the framework of BRICS.

“It is too early to estimate this initiative — there are more questions than answers. It is necessary to give assessment to the ECHR decisions and if you do not agree with them — to release your arguments,” Alexander Brod said, adding that ideas of creation of yet another human rights courts had been repeatedly voiced during the recent decade, but such initiatives had not gone any further.

The official added that despite several claims against the ECHR, a new institution would have its own minuses.

“Of course there are complaints against the ECHR. We, as human rights activists, monitoring its activities and the decisions, have repeatedly faced a political bias of this body…

“BRICS comprises five countries [Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa] and the ECHR is the basis for protection of human rights in 47 members of the Council of Europe…

“That’s why even if the idea of such a court would be discussed at the BRICS summit only a limited number of people would be able to petition this institution,” the official added.

There are also questions to the professionalism and impartiality of the institution within BRICS, as there are fears that the BRICS member states could have an impact on decisions of the institution, Brod explained.

Sputnik

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country?

For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. ...