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Is Paulo Coelho repeating repeating himself?

Paulo Coelho’s latest book to be released in the US is neither a memorable tale nor is it particularly well written. While
The Alchemist was an auspicious beginning for the author, if he doesn’t change his tune he may soon lose his American audience.

By the River Piedra I Sat Down and Wept, by Paulo Coelho, trans. by Alan R. Clarke (Harper San Francisco,
240 pp., $20)

    “True love is an act of total surrender… This book is about the importance of that surrender.”

    Paulo Coelho has taken a new approach with a familiar subject. His fourth novel to appear in English is narrated
    by a young woman of twenty-nine named Pilar, whose childhood friend — an unnamed `he’ — is now a reputed
    miracle-worker. They have not seen each other in over a decade but have sporadically remained in touch.

    Pilar has been going to school in Zaragoza, Spain, and one day she travels four hours by train to Madrid to hear
    him lecture. She listens from the audience as he begins: “You have to take risks. We can fully understand the miracle
    of life only if we allow the unexpected to happen.”

    She waits for him afterwards. “I believe in the feminine side of God,” he tells her; and later he’ll say that “One of
    the faces of God is the face of a woman.” Not only is he paying obeisance to the feminine principle in all things —
    God is the father, and the mother — he also claims to have seen the Goddess. It was She who bestowed upon him the
    powers of healing.

    Pilar accompanies the old friend with whom she’s been reunited to Bilbao, where he is to lecture. He reveals to her
    that he has loved her consistently these many years, but in this matter Pilar doubts his sincerity. He tells her: “I’m
    going to fight for your love. There are some things in life that are worth fighting to the end for… You are worth it.”

    If the reader has leafed through any two of Coelho’s three previous books —
    The Alchemist, The Pilgrimage, The Valkyries
    — then it will be noticed that the same themes are again being explored by characters who tend to
    be mouthpieces for the author: “The universe always helps us fight for our dreams, no matter how foolish they may
    be. Because they’re our dreams, and only we know the effort required to keep them alive.” Or, “The moment we
    begin to seek love, love begins to seek us. And to save us.” Variations of these lines can be found in all of Coelho’s novels.

    Pilar, it turns out, is having difficulty in `letting go.’ Part of her is still back in Zaragoza studying for final exams
    and relaxing with her friends; the other part really would like to surrender to the passions of the moment. This may be
    why Coelho has cast his tale in what is simultaneously an interior monologue and a journal (written after the fact) that
    cover the events, day by day, of one fateful week in December, 1993. Since the main thrust of the story is also about
    ousting the Other, or presiding over that part of oneself that says we should be cautious, seek money and comfort, the
    author could have generated some real inner tension, resulting in believable character growth, but Pilar is not only
    childish (headstrong one minute, indecisive the next) as well as a bundle of conflicting emotions, she later spouts the kind
    of wisdom that even Socrates would be hard-pressed to top.

    Perhaps because of his unexpected proximity to her, our unnamed miracle-worker suddenly seems to be
    buffeted about by the winds of uncertainty. When Pilar capitulates to her innermost thoughts and dreams, to paraphrase
    another of Coelho’s themes, and then admits that she, too, is in love, he has to decide how to sever and yet retain his ties
    to the ways of his church. He seeks to embrace and adapt, and we are led to believe that he resolves his dilemma,
    that he has been able to reconcile his proselytizing the faith with his being married to Pilar.

    Ultimately, then, this book is a pilgrimage for all concerned, and not just an inner pilgrimage either since the last
    few days take place in Saint-Savin, just over the Spanish border into France, and in Lourdes, where in 1858 the Virgin
    Mary appeared several times to a poor girl named Bernadette.

    One can read By the River Piedra I Sat Down and
    Wept
    as a love story with spiritual overtones, but it is not
    a particularly memorable tale nor is it particularly well written. In this regard, it joins
    The Valkyries as a book with little to recommend it: both books seem awkward and simplistic. While
    The Alchemist was an auspicious beginning
    for Paulo Coelho in this country, if he doesn’t change his tune (or at least his presentation of it) I’m afraid that he
    may lose his audience. Should that happen, I just don’t think he’ll get it back.


An excerpt:

    “The gods throw the dice, and they don’t ask if we want to be in the game or not. They don’t care whether you
    leave behind a lover, a home, a career, or a dream. The gods don’t care whether you have it all, if it seems like your
    every desire can be met through hard work and persistence. The gods don’t want to know about your plans and your
    hopes. Somewhere in the universe, they’re throwing the dice — and you are chosen. From then on, winning or losing is
    only a matter of chance.

    The gods throw the dice, and free love from its cage. Love is a force that can create or destroy — depending on
    the direction of the wind at the time it was set free.

    For the moment, the wind was blowing in his favor. But the wind is as capricious as the gods — and, deep inside
    myself, I began to feel some gusts.

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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